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 Will ZAPU survive, given its current resource constraints?

When it pulled out of ZANU-PF and reconnected with its other members scattered across the political divide, ZAPU had its brand name and hardly any resources to start its operations. The party has therefore relied on the commitment of its members and very little else from well-wishers. This situation is likely to continue for the foreseeable future because ZAPU cannot tap state-related resources nor expect indirect support from donors like the other major parties. Right from the first years of Zimbabwe’s independence ZAPU properties (and even those of ex-combatants of the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army – ZPRA), were confiscated under trumped-up accusations of planning the overthrow of the state. If these properties were returned there is no question that ZAPU would be self-sufficient and would not need to struggle to rent offices commercially.

ZAPU will survive because it represents a major political tradition and is the repository of hope and aspirations of many people who want to complete the work it started before and during the armed struggle for change and progress. At this juncture the most immediate and obvious source of resources is membership subscriptions and in-kind support from members and supporters or well-wishers to sustain operations and campaign work. Where there is a will there is a way, because money cannot buy or make up for commitment.

Can ZAPU members who were in ZANU-PF be trusted?

Following the coerced entry into ZANU-PF through the 1987 “Unity Accord”, ZAPU members faced the challenge of retaining their tradition of doing things. What became rampant was involvement of some former ZAPU members in coercion and manipulation of public opinion that were alien to the organization. One of the first steps in the revival of ZAPU has been to demand that those who were involved in intimidation and high-handedness should apologize to their victims and the public for their actions and start afresh. Independent action by the ZPRA Veterans Trust has been helpful in this respect where the trust has mobilized ex-combatants to own up for their misdeeds where they were used for political intimidation.

Apart from their connection to the state machinery, ZAPU members who were embedded in ZANU-PF are no different from those who, for lack of alternatives, joined other parties and are also returning to their original base. The revived ZAPU is committed to working according to the party’s agenda of total liberation and empowerment of the people. Influences that have been contracted from other parties have to be cured; these include populism, command-ism, and lack of accountability. ZAPU members who came from ZANU-PF will be judged by the same yardstick as those from elsewhere. They have to unlearn alien habits and modes of thought. It should be borne in mind that some people now in opposition parties were themselves ZANU-PF activists involved in anti-democratic behavior before they felt the need for change.

Is ZAPU ready to defend its members against violent attacks and political intimidation?

ZAPU would like to make it clear that it is the duty of the state to protect its citizens, including ZAPU members, through the regular army and police. However should the state show that it is incapable or unwilling to do so, ZAPU will not hesitate to defend its people in every possible way.

Does ZAPU have a policy on indigenisation and how it should be implemented?

In the colonial economy the “non-whites” were mainly a source of cheap labor for capital accumulation through extractive industries, farming, the growth of manufacturing industry and the commercial sector. It has been a longstanding goal of the liberation struggle to redress this disadvantageous position in which the majority of the population was engineered into “hewers of wood and drawers of water”.

ZAPU believes that there should be affirmative action to promote local participation and orderly acquisition of a stake in the formal economy. One key plank in this approach is the development and nurturing of the domestic private sector that can partner foreign direct investment (FDI). As an interim step, profit-oriented public enterprises can hold partnerships with foreign investors while building the capacity of the local private sector. The bottom line here is that there should be no plunder of going concerns for the benefit of greedy politicians and local oligarchs. Economic stability, employment creation and higher living standards for the majority should not be sacrificed for the quick enrichment of a few.
 Indigenization should not be a mirror-image of colonial racist expropriation in which the new order indiscriminately targets Zimbabwean-born people whose ancestors or part of them came from Europe, Asia or neighboring territories. “Indigenization” driven by racism, chauvinism, ethnocentric considerations and xenophobia is counter to the creation of a Zimbabwe that is comfortable with regional integration and a globalizing world.

What is ZAPU policy on land?

The Rhodesian colonial land tenure and land use system left independent Zimbabwe a legacy in which the black majority of the people were locked into largely unviable subsistence farming and communal title to land dubbed “reserves” for their settlement. Consequently, one of the core drivers of the struggle for freedom and independence was the objective of land redistribution and the creation of an enabling environment for a comfortable life in the rural areas. This noble and necessary cause has been botched in the chaotic post-independence land grabs and allocations. The new rulers disregarded the recommendations of their land commissions on criteria and rationale to conduct acquisitions in order change racial ownership patterns but avoiding asset stripping, unjustified multiple farm ownership and other

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